I also made public copies of the IoAs of Mysore, Manipur, Tehri Garhwal and Udaipur that I received from the National Archives, so that readers can compare them to the J&K IoA to establish their authenticity. [8] The request was considered on October 25 at a meeting of the Indian Defence Commission, headed by Mountbatten, led by Nehru, Patel, Baldev Singh, Minister Without Division Gopalaswami Ayyangar and the commanders-in-chief of the British Army, Air Force and Navy. The committee concluded that “the most immediate need was to rush weapons and ammunition, already requested by the Kashmir government, which would allow the local population of Srinagar to defend themselves against the attackers,” according to Lieutenant General K.K. Nanda`s book, War Without Profits. According to the India Act 1947, an independent Dominion called India will be established from the fifteenth day of August 1947 and that the Government of India Act 1935 applies to the Dominion of India, with such omissions, adaptations and amendments that the Governor General may fix by order. A young lawyer and landowner from Poonch, Sardar Ibrahim Khan, a member of the Jammu & Kashmir Legislature, who had been a legal officer under the Maharajah, emerged as the leader of the Poonch liberation movement. He brought together the different factions of Poonch and kept in touch with some key figures in the Pakistan Muslim League, including Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan. He played an important role in the creation of an “Azad Kashmir” government in Rawalpindi. On 13 August 1948, the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan adopted a resolution providing for a ceasefire; the withdrawal of Pakistani troops and tribal militias, followed by an Indian withdrawal; and a referendum. [4] This is what Professor Alastair Lamb wrote in 1991 about the J&K IoA: “The very instrument of membership.

Indeed, there was no more than one printed form, no different from an application for a driver`s license, with spaces for the name of the state, the signature of the maharaja and the date; And it also contained a printed form of acceptance that required Mountbatten`s date and signature as governor general. See Alastair Lamb, Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy 1846-1990, Roxford Books, Hertfordshire, 1990, page 137: retrieved 22 October 2016. In an alleged excerpt from another work attributed to him: The Myth of Indian Claim to Jammu and Kashmir: A Reappraisal, posted on the website of the Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the following statement is displayed: “The much more important document, the so-called instrument of accession, was not published until many years later, if at all.. The 1948 White Paper, in which the Indian government was to set out its formal case concerning the state of Jammu and Kashmir, does not contain the instrument of accession as it would have been signed by the Maharaja: rather, it reproduces an unsigned form of accession, as is implied that the Maharajah could have signed it. To date, no satisfactory original of this instrument signed by Maharaja has been created: although a highly suspicious version with the wrong date 26. October 1947 has been put into circulation by India since the 1960s. From the available evidence, it is absolutely unclear that the Maharaja has already signed an instrument of accession. There is indeed reason to suspect that he did not do that. The instrument of accession referred to in document (c) a letter that, as we have seen, was probably written by Indian officials before being shown to the Maharajah, may never have existed and cannot have existed when the letter was prepared.”:, called on October 22, 2016. . . .